Resuscitate Stillborn Fetus (part 2)

Resuscitate Stillborn Fetus (part 2)

It is evident that in post independence Eritrea people were less united but divided along ethnic, religious and regional lines to overlook the primary task of building a nation based on justice and fairness, hence for the ‘hade libi hade hzbi ‘ mantra touted by the ruling group. It is unfortunate that this hollow slogan seems to resonate on many including vocal anti-tyranny persons and groups because it reinforces the Eritreanism that the majority hankers. So far the diaspora with all its resources failed to look deeper into the meaning of this nihilistic slogan purposely propagated by the regime as one of its cheapest and misleading strategies to hold on to power. Instead of exposing for what it stands they tacitly endorsed it as if reassuring Eritrean steadfastness in the face of all odds. When this slogan begun to circulate audibly at the beginning of the trench war of1998, no one guessed its intended purposes. It was simply taken as an antidote for wavering elements (rational in my book) in the society. But in a land where the accused has no remote chance of facing the court of law it is easy to apply the ‘hade libi hade hzbi’ nihilistic concept to accuse any person who expresses his thoughts freely as a one bent to destroy the unity achieved through the 30 years arduous struggle.  Reminiscent of the ghedli era, the Jehovah witness, Moslem and Christian individuals, the reformists, the ‘embezzlers’, the ‘ profiteers’, parents of ex-servicemen were accused as such and sent to the gallows or kept in cages indefinitely in the most horrible way one can imagine. I shall now proceed to examine the current political atmosphere in Eritrea without underplaying the causal effect of the past.

The formal incorporation of Eritrea in the early 1960s into the empire without any plebiscite whatsoever left a sour taste among younger generation in urban Eritrea in particular Asmara. In few occasions students demanded respect for the all the provisions enshrined in the Eritrean constitution derived from the Federal Act adopted in late 1950 by the General Assembly of the United Nations. The actions went further to demand the reinstatement of the Tigrigna language as a medium of instruction and restore all symbols pertaining the federation.  At the same time it was a period where the young was travelling to Ethiopia for higher education including enrolling in high schools. Similarly, the annexation of the territory opened new business opportunity for the mostly foreign owned businesses to shift their focus on larger and untapped market of Ethiopia. Conversely, as prospect of finding job becomes dimmer in Eritrea, people with and without skill migrated to Ethiopia proper where they were accommodated comfortably.  This is half side of the story. To complement that many of the people inhabiting the lowlands and a sizeable Muslims hailing from the plateau choose to make trek to the Sudan and beyond mainly to Saudi and Egypt seeking jobs and education.  Indeed they fare better than those who stayed at home because not only were able to make a living but also went to the best schools including at the oldest and renowned University of Al Azhar established during the Fatimid dynasty in the 10^th century. It was these elements together with the exiled politicians who formed a movement that later galvanized the society to drive the Ethiopian forces out of Eritrea.  

The convergence of the two developing historical paths gave rise to the armed struggle, which last for three decades. As indicated earlier the start of the armed struggle is rightly credited to those individuals who made their way to the Sudan and Egypt. As result the triumphant ELF came to dominate politics in the 1960s after sidelining the Eritrean Liberation Movement-ELM- (Hareka in the low country and Mahber Shewate in the highlands).  This it accomplished by violent means when a contingent of ELM led by Mohedin was brutally crushed not to rise again. Among some of the ELM leadership, Mohammed Said Nawad was a communist or communist sympathizer whose association with Sudanese progressive personalities was well known.  He was the most impressive politician I have meet in my younger days. Simultaneously, an all-Christian group made up of émigré population not affiliated to either was squashed mercilessly in one of the Wadis never to be heard again. In this regard ELF can be regarded as trendsetter where political difference among Eritreans is settled not through dialogue but violent means. The political parties of today although non violent and frankly caricature of their old self they continue to quibble on minor issue (1). Thank god they are unarmed and toothless entities to draw the already beat up people into an arena of conflagration again.

From this short narrative it is not hard to understand that the early naysayers to any thing Ethiopian and the later convert to the cause of Eritrean independence had no unanimity of thought on how to achieve the objective. But this is beside the point, as long as the war for independence is fought with all participating no matter how disparate their role was. For a casual observer though, it gives the impression that the dichotomy between the lowland dwellers who had no love left for Ethiopia and the highlanders who at one time stood against partition and for outright union with Ethiopia is systematically addressed. Juxtaposed with the relief/topography defined reality is the regional rivalry among the highlanders, which often assume secondary role in the face of Islamic/Arabic threat.

Gradually, though, there begun a political shift in the plateau, which later becomes seismic to attract multitudes in its clarion call for independence. Infants like Dejen Andehishel (the celebrated hero of carchieli), old people, peasants and the one time comfortably settled habeshas in Ethiopia proper journeyed to the fronts some to bear guns and many using the fronts as a bridge to migrate. Here, I am inadequately equipped to explain coherently the cause of this sudden turn of events to the extent that even ardent unionists changed side. Nevertheless, the anxiety and hysteria wiped, the internal civil wars fomented, the targeting of individuals for their wealth and political leanings can be cited as cause of the reversal of fortune. Furthermore, the increasingly easy access of the armed fighters to the peasant and nomad populations and the clan entanglement and the sub-national feelings simmering below the surface are but few of the complex matters that further aggravated the situation for rational people to make sense of the chaos created. It was too late for the leaders of the nationalist movement to realize all the displacement, destruction and death unfolding in front of their eyes. It is unfortunate that once the ball begun to roll it was unstoppable and in the course hundreds of thousands fell victim to terror both state sponsored and rebel justified.

It is in such kind of atmosphere that the war was conducted devoid of any rational discussion on the future of Eritrea with all the stakeholders taking part in its formation. Taking advantage of the military success and hypnotized by the chorus ‘Eritrea Never Knell down’, the leadership went from bad to worst devouring its members first and stretching its devilish hand to reach its opponents at will. The EPLF’s spectacular achievement in all fields other than military was magnified, harped and glorified by Eritrean intellectuals abroad, the majority being from the highland and few western leftist reporters whose account on Eritrea was outlandish. Despite the defeat of ELF, the traditional friends of the Eritrean armed struggle, the Arab nations namely Saudi, Iraq and Syria continued to provide their lukewarm support to the triumphant EPLF biding their time for ELF to resurrect and pose challenge to the rival front (2). It was not meant to be as ELF further disintegrated into branches each claiming authenticity.

I tend to agree with few among many of the writers on the reasons why the Arab nations who aggressively supported the Eritrean cause did so. Egypt for instance, as the huge placard displayed in my alma mater states ‘… is located in the North Eastern part of Africa and it cannot be isolated from its political, social and economic affairs’. But in reality it has more to do with the free flow of water from the Nile River than anything else. Rightly so Egypt without the Nile is like expecting a virgin to conceive without a male companion. However, it was not in the Egyptian nature to engage diplomatically with a country contributing 85 percent of the water, Ethiopia. Instead, the Eritrean dilemma was used to dissipate Ethiopia’s energy in an endless war game, which left scar for decades (3). The nations of Syria and Iraq (my heart goes to the people) posed themselves as champions of pan-Arabism whose ultimate aim was to unify the Arab world under progressive leadership with foreigners kept at bay. They yearned for the revival of Arab greatness whose contribution to science and mathematics has no parallel in world history. The two Levant countries and the Nasserites in Egypt despite their slight difference agreed on the very definition of Arabism to include the strategic Horn of Africa in which Eritrea stands at the middle. Since Islam was made to be the primary criteria for such a selection, in the case of Eritrea it poses serious problem to entertain it without any repercussion. After all Eritrea’s population is divided equally between those who profess Islam and Christianity. Herein lays the dilemma on where to place Eritrea in the regional groupings to enable it play some sort of role in the economic and political development of the continent or in the region that stretches from the ocean to the gulf. Nevertheless, it is a sticky point that should not be brushed out as ephemeral.

Regionalism among the highland population in particular the Diaspora is becoming contagious illness to the extent of confusing the ruling regime’s atrocious acts as committed by a group hailing from one region. By the same token the cabal in power is charged as a protector and benefactor of one region and one alone. Certainly it is ludicrous assertion that cannot stand close scrutiny.  But the fact is regionalism as a means of promoting ones narrow interest has been used in many occasions beginning mid 1950s, that is, since the formation of the Federal State.  The EPLF habitually used it for its own good. In the early 1970s it neutralized potential threat from more articulate individuals known as menkaa (መንካዕ) using precisely the ploy of regionalism. We should be clear here, the EPLF then and now is composed of all ethnic groups, all major religions and denominations. Thus, it becomes of no concern to person or persons once organically attached to it to look beyond his immediate interest no matter how slanderous it is to his ‘tribe’ or ‘religious belief’.

By the same token, the EPLF pampered and nurtured by the participation of frenzy and emotionally charged populous is capable of brainwashing the mind of the oppressed people whose literacy rate is the lowest in the world. To many, it is an organization with almost divine mission with the capacity to turn ‘water into wine’, hence for the name Yikealo (ይከኣሎ).  The social capital that it had arrogantly squandered was unparalleled to any liberation movement in Africa and in the region.  When I briefly lived in Asmara after the 1998 war the reformists who challenged the Eritrean tyrant and his group was blamed of regionalism fused with defeatism. It astonished me to hear from people in my daily contact that the reformist case has no merit because of its sectarian base. They went as far as spreading rumors that it is the case of ‘remiss’ or more clearly ‘nay mdgas mlkt. ደጊስዎም’.  We know now and thanks to few EPLF insiders for opening up, regionalism among the elite in the field was of a concern that each in his own way tried to shore up his regional position vis avis the other (4).

Eritrea is pronouncedly divided along religious line more than tribal, clan or region. In Ethiopia (Eritrea) Christianity and Islam are as old as the prophets who first proclaimed them. They are both ancient and influenced each other in many aspects of life through out time.  Although, little historical evidence exist that both religions were able to sway the majority of the population in their respective camps to the extent that they were dominant enough to the exclusion of the animist or idolers, nevertheless both existed parallel to the indigenous beliefs practiced at the time. Through time they both expanded with the people of the Low Countries embracing Islam while the northern and central plateau remained staunch Christian. Her one only guesses that there might have been strong tolerance of each other to coexist for such a long time.  However, there were times when both have to clash violently using religion as pretext. The Christians rulers almost always lamented of their isolation from the Christian world surrounded by Islamic sea, while the Muslim chiefs used their religious connection to have a sympathetic ear from the Muslims outside their immediate environs. According to historian Mohammed Hassen, the prolonged but brutal Muslim-Christian civil war in the early sixteen century had “almost succeeded in uprooting Christianity from Ethiopia” (5).  Conversely, had the forced proselytization by the 19^th century Christian emperors in particular Yohannes the IV continued, the position of Islam in Ethiopia and particularly in the north and central highlands would have been tenuous at best. 

Leaving aside the politically motivated ‘hade libi hade hizbi’ slogan of the EPLF, overall Christian Muslim relationship in modern day Eritrea was cozy and tolerant as one expects.  In many areas of social interaction there was symbiotic relationship. Although, it remained within the power of the religious establishment to use the pulpit against each other, so far this never happened. True, they both feast separately but also participated together in joys and non-joys occasions.  Indeed I have yet to come across literature or oral traditional narrations that will indicate otherwise.  In other words, the absence of glaringly antagonistic relationship between the two Abrhaminic religions gives one faint hope that the transition toward normalcy in Eritrea is possible.  At the same time it is dangerous to paint rosy picture as if Eritrea is and has been peaceful with itself had it not been of the machination by EPLF and specifically Isayas Afwerki. This may be true in part but as I allude earlier historical events of the past are not to be underestimated either.  

During the period when Eritreans were inadvertently pulled into global politics to decide the fate of the territory that the Italians called Eritrea, the division cut across religious line.  Sadly enough, the schism was marred by sporadic riots and armed confrontations through out the late 40s and early 1950s (6).  Undoubtedly, the politics assumed religious overtones where the unionist uncompromisingly vouched for Ethiopia while the objective of the Muslim League and the smaller parties ranged from outright independence to partition to trusteeship. The cleavage continued to widen thanks to the intervention of big and small interested group including European imperialists. No doubt, the British-Italian plan to parcel Eritrea based on religious, social and geographic realities was more harmful than beneficial when it comes to fostering disharmony. In the western lowlands politicians were tinkering with the idea of partition which was less of  a concern to the Unionists.However this may be, the political process at the time was not cut and dry where each pitched his tent not to budge an inch. Indeed it was a tumultuous period where crossover into the major parties was also common. For example, prominent families from the highland and few educated persons joined the Independent Block despite its constituency was mostly Muslims. The Unionists also were able to attract quiet a few known and unknown people from the lowlands and a number of highland Muslims to its cause.

In the face of grievous situation that was apparent at the time, what was the reason behind the split? I believe some historical factors were at play. As Karl Marx remarked in the Eighteenth Brumaire ‘Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.’ In this case, to the Christian highlanders, Ethiopia was more than fantasy, a figment of imagination that Africans in Diaspora, has genuinely harbored. It was real and very much yearned for during the Italian colonial rule. It is not only spiritual affiliation that made the habeshas passionately tilts towards Ethiopia but also the genealogical fact that was live and only severed by the Italian intervention in the region. One should also be mindful that during the scramble for Africa the territory was turned into a hub of resistance against outsiders bent on conquering Ethiopia. In that case tens of thousands of rag tag peasant army and petty chieftains from northern Ethiopia made Eritrea their home (7). It is logical therefore, that people of the plateau minus the Jebertis to regard Ethiopia as ‘mother’ of all ‘mothers’.

To the Eritrean Muslims in particular the Jebertis, the action of Emperor Yohaness to forcibly proselytize them must have been fresh in their mind not to be swayed by the Unionist propaganda. Moreover, Ethiopia has always pride itself as bulwark of Christendom in the region for non-Christians to cast doubt on it. In truth Muslims has a very minor role to play in ancient and modern Ethiopia. It was not until the eruption of the February Revolution and the consequent bold move by the Dergh that Islam and other Christian sects were given equal importance.  Christian symbols are abound all over and even the Imperial crown is adorned with cross for any Muslim to feel at ease. Most of all the Ethiopian constitution of 1931 and the greatly modified constitution of 1955 practically shut out the Muslims from holding important posts in the government  (8).

Given the circumstance, the Muslim League has no place to turn for support but to its co-religionist the Arabs and Pakistan, a country fresh from its struggle to establish a purely Islamic state. Like Ethiopia which gave all the diplomatic and sometimes material support to the Unionist, the Arabs did the same for the Muslim League and later the Independent Block. The Arab influence on politics including pushing Arabic to be the second official language was obvious. In their part the Unionists were adamant that only Tigrigna should be the language of government, a language that barely become literary  (grammatically structured) during the British administration.  In short, when the Eritrean armed struggle started it had all the characteristics of the 1940s politics carrying with it the baggage left two decades earlier.

One of the tragedies of the Eritrean armed struggle is its failure to create a true Eritrean identity based on justice and fairness and perhaps some values of governance Intrinsic in our traditional societies. Blinded by its limited scope of separating Eritrea from Ethiopia, gehdli has conveniently overlooked the contradictions, albeit, non-antagonistic to let it fester and produce a country in the precipices of destruction. From the inception, the Eritrean project was gripped by problems of enormous magnitude ranging from religion to region, ethnic to natural physiography.  To my knowledge neither ELF nor EPLF were serious enough to fundamentally address issues/contradictions of national importance. In effect, finding solutions to longstanding societal problems would have meant adding more building blocks important for state formation. In actual fact the corporate group used it left and right to neutralize opponents.  In part, that explains why during the third phase of the armed struggle, the Kunamas and many districts in the highland wished they ‘go’ away for good. It is difficult to gauge the felling of people in the low country because the Western region was the epicenter of the war and stronghold of ghedli. But being the first victims of the scorched earth campaign by the military, the pastoral and agro-pastoral may not have been amused by postures of either Fronts.

WHAT IS TO BE DONE

In the face of insurmountable difficulties it is easy to loose hope and do nothing. But doing nothing is neither option nor natural. Since Mankind evolved into what he is today a thinking animal, he never stopped to aspire for higher and loftier goals. His very existence is, therefore, rationalized and validated by his unique ability to mollify, adopt and appreciate his natural surroundings. In other ward, humans owe their dynamism to their in built trait of survival, that is, inherent in their evolutionary process that no force is capable of stopping. Thus, the urge for change is in place with some societies forging ahead faster than others.  There is no doubt in my mind Eritreans also share this universal truth of struggle for survival.  Be that as it may, the problems that the Eritrean people face could be of complex nature requiring extraordinary efforts to tackle. As repeatedly noted the problems are multifaceted requiring wisdom and political finesse to tackle. Unfortunately, in the case of Eritrea these are two commodities very much in short supply for one to expect a light at the end of the tunnel soon.

If one cares to navigate through the Eritrean political landscape it is not hard to quickly realize that all the so-called parties are much of the same in their basic constitutions.  In other words, the mission, vision and objective of each ‘parties’ worth of the name are more or less identical. There is little difference in their political manifesto except for some religiously based parties namely, one or two groups with exclusively Muslim constituency who advocate for stricter Islamic code in the territories they command most. With the exception of two ethnic parties/fronts who are not shy to loudly proclaim their infatuation with the ethnically organized governance in Ethiopia, practically all subscribe to a unitary state where all including recent Arab migrants, the Rashaida would have equal voice in running the country. To our delight, all have one thing in common; the removal of the dictatorial regime and its replacement by a ‘democratic’ state where all Eritreans are allowed to exercise their civil rights.

Thus, what serious obstacles are there for those struggling to unsit the regime not able to come together on minimum program to achieve their objective?  Actually the very mention of ‘minimum program’ in this case, contradicts the earlier assessment made on the alphabet soup parties that they ‘have more or less identical mission statement, vision and objective’. It is understood that the principle of compromise based on minimum program only applies to parties wide apart in their ideology, political outlook and vision not to political  ‘parties’ of similar identity. In this case, it is politically amateurish to approach the hundred and one parties/fronts to form an Inclusive and broad based coalition government. Here the exceptions are the Afar and Kunama led parties as well as the Islahis whose program is somewhat different than the rest. Thanks for the clear but slightly different objective that each pursues one is compelled to invoke the principle of minimum program in order to do away with the scourge in Eritrea.  Given their similarities what then is the problem for the parties in Diaspora not to present themselves as credible opposition capable of inspiring a home grown uprising?

As pointed out in the first part of the article posted weeks earlier most if not all political grouping in the Diaspora owe their existence to the pioneer fronts, one that went into oblivion and the other leading the country and people into precipices. As insignificant as they seem, their political maneuvering still resembles that of the past century. Although advocating for transparency and accuse the cabal at home as close-knit and secretive, to a degree they are worst to deserve absolution. How many times did we observe the Diaspora led parties/fronts forming a coalition of sort and in a flip of moment dissolve it to once again pop new heads like the Hydra? Forming coalition partnership is as easy as dismantling it with no remorse and without the slightest worry of accountability.  The realignment of force that takes shape in daylight segregates to its lowest component at nighttime. Despite of the time lapse none are free from the heavy baggage that each carried from the past.  In short the baggage gets heavier with passing time simply because the problem begins to assume regional and international dimension, tantalizing the unprepared and divided people, with less political sophistication to understand and eventually solve.

Beside the Muslim-Christian divide and the sub-national feelings affecting the Diaspora based opposition leadership as well as the latent opposition at home, personal grudges and vendettas deeply embedded in their mind further complicates the emergence of leadership in tune with the extreme problem at home (9). Worst, they are all physically aged and perhaps mentally feeble to be effective as agents of change. The opportunity to change has passed them years ago and cannot be relied upon to lead men to the City upon the Hill. To the contrary the more they remain in circulation the less they will be able to reflect their lives in ghedli and be useful in helping build Eritrea, free from fear and sectarian feelings.  It is time that they acquiesce the role of being spokespersons for Eritrea to the youth in whom we put all our trust. The youth as critical agent in the mix should be the main focus.  Because it is only the young who are well disposed to transcend age old historical and man made obstacles and look forward with eyes focused on the global transformation occurring in the region and the world at large.

Speaking about the young there is more to be said about this section of the society without going nasty and uncivil.   The youth in Diaspora today is more vibrant than a decade ago, no doubt. Vocal in their condemnation to the regime, which has dashed to the ground the aspiration of the people for peace and good neighborliness, the youth are the most disappointed sections of the society.  In this regard, it this section of the society that is greatly affected by the current state of affair in Eritrea and who has also paid and still paying a heavy price in the name of Eritrea. It is no wonder, therefore that those living outside the country are visibly angry and more determined to see change in Eritrea than the old guards in their twilight years.

Speaking of the youth, that is the Diaspora, has one drawback that it can not overcome, that is, it has established niche enviable by all especially those hundreds of thousands in the refugee camps, hamlets, towns and cities of Ethiopia and the Sudan eager to be resettled in a third country. No matter what its attachment is to its homeland the youth will amount to nothing more than an emotional and nostalgic to be in the forefront for change.  Unlike the young at home who stand to gain from change in Eritrea, those in Arabia, and in the Northern Hemisphere are not hard pressed to loose sleep about it. The reason is that once they established themselves at their place of refuge life becomes normal. They become normal citizens of the countries they live in and pursue objectives relevant to their life in their new home.  Their life is drastically transformed to include chores/activities such as family, bank account, PTA meetings, college degrees, celebration of MLK birthdays, joining neighborhood watch, voting, and so on. Precisely because of this and many other commitments that the youth in Diaspora cannot but be a catalyst for change. The responsibity to challenge ‘ the neighborhood bullies’ who for decades lived as leach on the Eritrean people falls on the young and not so young enlisted in the ‘military’

Nevertheless, the young and not so young residing outside Eritrea has important role to play in effecting change in his/her homeland. They can intensify their advocacy on behalf of the oppressed, agitate for mass uprising, expose the regime for what it is, build bridges across Eritrean societies abroad, chart and strategize on the future governance of the country and cultivate good neighborliness with the Sudan and Ethiopia. In particular the Diaspora, those with educational endowment can go step further to debunk certain myths and legends surrounding Eritreanism. This it must do in order to assist in the fresh start based on equality and individual freedom. It is known that ghedli in particular the ghedli managed by EPLF has well oiled machine set up to hoodwink all those who come close to it. It intimidates, terrorizes and finally disarms its own members to think freely; effectively handicapping them to distinguish between bad and good or moral and immoral.

Once upon a time Somalia had leader who died believing that the fabric weaved around the Somali society is so fragile that him and him alone is capable of holding it together.   After his disgraced exit and Somalia’s descent to anarchy he exclaimed ‘I told you so. Look! I was sitting in a toilet covering all the ugliness that comes from it?’  He forgot that he was the cause of it all because he failed to attend the problems facing the nation ranging from clan rivalry, to resources misappropriation, to regionalism. I will be surprised if the Eritrean tyrant would not say similar but with his customary long dragged, shallow and infantile remark should in case Eritrea faces the same misfortune like Somalia. Thus, it is up to those seemingly irreconcilable forces in Eritrea to tamper expectations and find common ground to arrive at realistic solution that is inclusive, accommodating and self-fulfilling.

The first step toward healing is to admit that problem exists. The problem I am referring to is not the ones that every person sees and fell (save the maroons and sycophants) but the root causes of it, namely religion, region, sub-region, clan and even ghedli itself. I might add this is not peculiar to Eritrea but to many African countries whose fate was determined by the colonialist long time ago face similar problems. Indeed Eritrea can survive as a nation if cool heads prevail and the vibrant young replace the leadership we are so conditioned to accept.    

            Errata

·         In my first article I mentioned one name that was responsible for imprisoning and perhaps killing many highlanders in late 1960s as Mahmud Hishel. It should read Mahmoud Tinay instead.

Footnote

(1)   In the mid-term meeting of the Eritrean Bayto established after the 2011 NCDC founding congress (National Conference for Democratic Change) groups defending the good name of Idris Awate fought vigorously wasting 3 to 4 days of the conference time. It was resolved by the temporarily suspension of a coalition partner who dares to accuse Awate as common brigand terrorizing his clan.

(2)   A telling story narrated by Yemane Teclegiorgis an ex-EPLF spy agent relates how Saudi Arabia has to confiscate an Eritrea boat filled with armaments when purposely strayed in its shores to avoid detection by Ethiopian Naval patrol.

(3)   In my opinion Egypt as a downstream riparian state and a unique nation where its agriculture is exclusively dependent on Irrigation water deserves substantial if not lions share of the Nile River. It is indeed not in the best interest of the poor people of Egypt and Ethiopia to confront violently on this issue that only benefit the merchants of war,

(4)   Tesfai Temnewo relates an incident were elites from Seraye concerned of the disproportionality of their numbers in the armed struggle requested the future dictator Isayas to canvas their region for recruits. In some indirect way Yemane Teclegiorgis an ex-spy agent of EPLF confirmed the allegation.

(5)   Mohammed Hassen (Review). Futuh Al-Habaša: The Conquest of Abyssinia [16th Century] by Šihab ad-Din Ahmad bin Abdal-Qader bin Salem bin Utman; Winter/Spring 2004.International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 184. Tsehai  Publishers-2014

(6)   In 1946 a pogrom against Yemeni residents in Massawa caused concern to the British Authorities to declare curfew. A year after this incidents, Sudanese colonial police went amuck and killed quiet few. What it started as a brawl in one drinking house spread into the streets to add anxiety on the populous.  The last and perhaps the major politically influenced disturbance was in 1950 when group of Christians meet the Jebertis in a bloody confrontation that last two days. The incident popularly known as the Christian Muslim skirmish (ውግእ አስላምን ክርስትያንን) was the deadliest. It was also a period where common brigands from the highland picked the unionist flag and caused havoc.

(7)   I was told by my maternal grandmother that her grandfather ‘ayte Ghebremariam’, a zonal chief stationed in Tsada Christian was Ras Alula’s retinue who came from a village in Tigrai called ‘Megaria Zemri’.

(8)   Article 21, 1955 constitution ‘We profess and will defend the Holy Orthodox Faith based on the doctrines of St. Mark of Alexandria, professed in Ethiopia since the Holy Emperors Abreha and Atsbiha.’

(9)   In one of my trips to Addis Abeba to attend an Eritrean related meeting I was shocked to hear one of the political leader boasting ‘…how his Front, the EPLF chased ELF to the Sudan ”አህዲምናኩም’’. It took few sensible people from the participants including the Ethiopian handlers to calm the ELFites.  A day later a person rose up to accuse the Christians for siding with the enemy mentioning the action of Comando Force (ኮማንዲስ) who wiped out his entire family. It was a bizarre spectacle.